UNICEF/Roger LeMoyne
The Congolese Action Youth Platform (CAYP) is campaigning for the recognition of the Genocide against the people of DR Congo to be commemorated on August 2nd, the anniversary of Rwanda and Uganda’s 1998 invasion of Congo. I spoke to CAYP’s Gaëtan-Dauphin Nzowo.
ANN GARRISON: Gaëtan, why do you call your campaign Genocost ?
GAETAN-DAUPHIN NZOWO: Genocost is an initiative that we in the Congolese Action Youth Platform (CAYP) created to remember and honor all those killed during Congo’s long history of violence and war. By “Genocost,” we mean “genocide for economic gain.” We believe that from the days of King Leopold II’s Congo Free State, created at the 1885 Berlin Conference, to the ongoing wars today, Congolese lives have been treated as disposable, all so that foreign and local actors could exploit Congo’s vast natural resources.
In 2023, in response to CAYP’s efforts, Congolese President Felix Tshisikedi declared August 2nd Genocost Commemoration Day, but it has not been widely recognized either within or outside Congo.
AG: Is that what you would like the commemoration day to be named?
GDN: Yes. We wanted to formally name the commemoration day “GENOCOST” because it encapsulates the economic motives behind the mass violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Prior to the movement to create the GENOCOST commemoration, Adam Hochschild’s renowned book “ King Leopold’s Ghost: A story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa ” described the brutal exploitation of the Congolese population. He estimated that 10 million Congolese died directly from violence, starvation, disease, and economic collapse due to forced labor under Belgian King Leopold II, all to rob Congolese of their resources
The International Rescue Committee estimated that 5.4 million people died as a result of the war between August 1998 and April 2007 alone, the majority from displacement and disease, as Congo’s resources were ransacked.
AG: I know it’s nearly 30 years of horrible crimes, but could you summarize what has happened in eastern DRC since August 2, 1998?
GDN: Foreign-backed militia groups have proliferated in eastern Congo, creating endless cycles of violence.
Mineral wealth such as coltan gold, diamonds, and other resources have continued to fuel the conflict, with many armed groups, including those of the Congolese elite and the governments of Rwanda and Uganda, profiting from illegal resource extraction.
Million of civilians have been dispaced, and human rights abuses, including rape as a weapon of war, have been endemic.
AG: Rwanda and Uganda first invaded Congo on October 24, 1996, starting the First Congo War, in which they went all the way to Kinshasa and forced President Mobutu Sese Seko from power. Their crimes during that war are well documented, so why did you choose to commemorate the day Rwanda and Uganda invaded on August 2nd, 1998, instead of October 24?
GDN: The 2nd of August marks the beginning of the Second Congo War, also known as the African World War. This escalated into what the United Nations called “the deadliest conflict since World War II.” It officially ended in 2003 with a peace agreement signed in Sun City South Africa, by one president and four vice presidents—three of them being warlords. Nevertheless, Congolese people continued to be killed, raped, kidnapped, and displaced by militias.
AG: Who have you approached about creating a Congo genocide commemoration day, and what has the response been?
GDN: As I said earlier, we persuaded President Tshisikedi to declare August 2nd GENOCOST Commemoration Day, but it’s not been widely recognized within or outside Congo.
Our primary objective has been to educate the Congolese masses first. We wanted to reach the Congolese people themselves, both the government and the civil society so that, collectively, we fully grasp what has been happening to our people through their history. To that end, we have proposed a day commemorating genocide against the Congolese people.
In advocating for this commemoration day, we emphasize the following:
1. UN Mapping Report on Human Rights Abuse in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 1993-2003
The 2010 UN Mapping Exercise report documented the most severe human rights violations, highlighting the depth and breadth of the atrocities by various states and non-state actors.
2. Legal Definition of Genocide
According to the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide, genocide entails acts intented to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. From 1884 to today, we believe this definition is applicable given the systematic targeting of the Congolese for economic gain.
3. Historical Massacres during the Congo Free State
Many Congolese are unaware of the atrocities that took place under King Leopold II. Because such a critical chapter of our history is rarely taught in Congolese schools, a commemoration day is necessary to acknowledge these past crimes and their enduring impact.
AG: Let’s talk about the circumstances on the ground right now, as Rwanda and its M23 militia occupy Goma and Bukavu, the capitals of both North and South Kivu Provinces, and keep pushing deeper into DRC? What would you like to say about that?
GDN: The current circumstances are dire. M23, backed by the Rwandan military, has captured strategic towns and occupies major Goma and Bukavu, the capitals of North and South Kivu Provinces. Many have been displaced or killed, and terror reigns in these areas. Despite numerous calls for M23 to withdraw, they continue to advance.
AG: What would you like to say about the response of the international community?
GDN: The international community must go beyond imposing sanctions and place justice at the core of any peace plan for the DRC. This means prosecuting and imprisoning those responsible for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, including Rwandan President Paul Kagame and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, either at the International Criminal Court or in a special court created by the UN Security Council.
If impunity continues, we’ll be talking about a new iteration of an armed group sponsored by neighboring countries in another 10 years.
Recent sanctions from the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Belgium, and most recently Germany, have indeed slowed Rwanda and its M23 militia down. That’s proof that punitive measures can work.
However, to truly halt M23 and dissuade foreign actors from supporting armed groups, the international community must expose them, politically isolate them at both the African and global levels.
AG: The Congolese government’s response seems to have been very weak in eastern Congo. In many cases the fighting seems to be left to the Wazalendo militia , the Force of Patriotic Awakening for the Liberation of Congo. How do you explain this?
GDN: It is complicated by long standing issues within the Congolese leadership which has multiple characteristics: ‘
First, illegitimate leaders. Since the death of Patrice Lumumba, the DRC hasn’t had a leader who was free from Western backing, let alone one legitimately elected by the people they swore to serve and protect.
Second, the military is underfunded. Soldiers are frequently paid late or not at all, and when they are paid, the amount is often under $100 per month, while mercenaries who are the first to lay down their arms, earn $3000-$5000 per month. This has resulted in a very low morale among military troops.
AG: Without effective leadership in Kinshasa, what alternative do the Congolese people in the east have? What can they do besides surrender to Rwanda and M23?
GDN: This is a great question.
We have seen over the past years, communities taking up self-defense through local militias, though this brings its own risks and can further fragment security. Civil society groups, whether they are in Eastern DRC or in Kinshasa, continue to denounce the violence and demand accountability.
Internationally, the Congolese diaspora and allies can amplify these voices, lobbying for targeted sanctions against perpetrators and for humanitarian support to reach the most affected populations.
The long-term solution must involve genuine leadership from Kinshasa, and the region as a whole, yes. But grassroots efforts to resist occupation and exploitation are critical. I can guarantee you that Congolese people are organizing so that Congo can be free in our lifetime.
AG: Is the Congolese Action Youth Platform solely a diaspora group, or are some of you on the ground in Congo?
GDN: CAYP has both diaspora and in-country members. We began among young Congolese activists living in the U.K, then spread across Europe, but we always believed that real impact must come from those on the frontlines back home. Today CAYP coordinates with local youth movements, grassroots organizations, and civil society within the Congo itself. We work together to share information, plan advocacy campaigns, and mobilize support for Congolese communities under siege, while keeping in mind the GENOCOST campaign.
AG: What would you like those of us outside Congo to do to help advance the idea of a day to commemorate the Genocide against the People of DR Congo?
GDN: We urge everyone to:
Raise awareness. Use social media, local events, and community forums to highlight the call for a GENOCOST commemoration on August 2nd.
Support Congolese-led initiatives. Contribute to or partner with Congolese civil society groups providing humanitarian aid, legal support, and documentation of atrocities.
Stand in solidarity. Attend or organize commemorative events on August 2nd and share Congolese perspectives in schools, churches, and other community spaces.
AG: Is there anything else you’d like to say?
We, the Congolese people, have the power to shape our own destiny. We can and will bring lasting peace to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Ann Garrison is a Black Agenda Report Contributing Editor based in the San Francisco Bay Area. In 2014, she received the Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Democracy and Peace Prize for her reporting on conflict in the African Great Lakes region. She can be reached at ann@anngarrison.com. You can help support her work on Patreon .